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Ana Sayfa / Norte Chico China Is Whole Again Then It Broke Again

Norte Chico China Is Whole Again Then It Broke Again

Yorum Gönder

Pre-Columbian era guild in coastal Peru

Caral-Supe
Peru site locations.png

Map of Caral-Supe sites showing their locations in Peru
Alternative names Caral, Norte Chico
Geographical range Lima, Republic of peru
Period Cotton Pre-Ceramic
Dates c. 3,700 BCE –
c. 1,800 BCE
Type site Aspero
Preceded by Lauricocha
Followed past Kotosh

Reconstruction of one of the pyramids of Aspero

Caral-Supe (also known every bit Caral and Norte Chico) was a complex pre-Columbian-era society that included as many as xxx major population centers in what is now the Caral region of north-key littoral Republic of peru. The civilization flourished between the fourth and second millennia BC, with the germination of the first metropolis more often than not dated to around 3500 BC, at Huaricanga, in the Fortaleza area.[1] It is from 3100 BC onward that large-scale human settlement and communal construction get clearly apparent,[2] which lasted until a menstruation of decline effectually 1800 BC.[3] Since the early twenty-first century, it has been established as the oldest-known civilization in the Americas.

This civilisation flourished along three rivers, the Fortaleza, the Pativilca, and the Supe. These river valleys each accept large clusters of sites. Farther south, there are several associated sites along the Huaura River.[4] The alternative name, Caral-Supe, is derived from the city of Caral[5] in the Supe Valley, a large and well-studied Caral-Supe site.

Complex society in Caral-Supe arose a millennium afterward Sumer in Mesopotamia, was contemporaneous with the Egyptian pyramids, and predated the Mesoamerican Olmec by almost 2 millennia.

In archaeological nomenclature, Caral-Supe is a pre-ceramic culture of the pre-Columbian Late Archaic; it completely lacked ceramics and evidently had about no visual art. The most impressive accomplishment of the culture was its awe-inspiring compages, including large earthwork platform mounds and sunken circular plazas. Archaeological testify suggests use of textile engineering science and, perchance, the worship of common deity symbols, both of which recur in pre-Columbian Andean cultures. Sophisticated regime is presumed to have been required to manage the ancient Caral. Questions remain over its organization, particularly the influence of food resources on politics.

Archaeologists have been aware of aboriginal sites in the expanse since at least the 1940s; early work occurred at Aspero on the coast, a site identified as early equally 1905,[6] and later at Caral, farther inland. In the tardily 1990s, Peruvian archaeologists, led by Ruth Shady, provided the first extensive documentation of the civilization with work at Caral.[7] A 2001 paper in Science, providing a survey of the Caral research,[eight] and a 2004 article in Nature, describing fieldwork and radiocarbon dating across a wider expanse,[2] revealed Caral-Supe's full significance and led to widespread interest.[9]

History and geography [edit]

Remains of platform mound structures at Caral

The dating of the Caral-Supe sites has pushed back the estimated beginning engagement of complex societies in the Peruvian region by more than one thousand years. The Chavín culture, circa 900 BC, had previously been considered the start civilization of the surface area. Regularly, it nevertheless is cited incorrectly every bit such in general works.[10] [xi]

The discovery of Caral-Supe likewise has shifted the focus of enquiry away from the highland areas of the Andes and lowlands adjacent to the mountains (where the Chavín, and later Inca, had their major centers) to the Peruvian littoral, or coastal regions. Caral is located in a n-central expanse of the coast, approximately 150 to 200 km north of Lima, roughly bounded by the Lurín Valley on the south and the Casma Valley on the northward. It comprises iv littoral valleys: the Huaura, Supe, Pativilca, and Fortaleza. Known sites are full-bodied in the latter 3, which share a common coastal plain. The iii principal valleys cover only 1,800 km², and research has emphasized the density of the population centers.[12]

The Peruvian coastal appears an "improbable, even aberrant" candidate for the "pristine" development of civilisation, compared to other earth centers.[i] It is extremely arid, bounded by 2 rain shadows (caused past the Andes to the east, and the Pacific trade winds to the westward). The region is punctuated past more than 50 rivers that carry Andean snowmelt. The development of widespread irrigation from these water sources is seen as decisive in the emergence of Caral-Supe;[three] [thirteen] since all of the awe-inspiring architecture at various sites has been plant shut to irrigation channels.[ citation needed ]

The radiocarbon work of Jonathan Haas et al., found that x of 95 samples taken in the Pativilca and Fortaleza areas dated from earlier 3500 BC. The oldest, dating from 9210 BC, provides "limited indication" of human settlement during the Pre-Columbian Early Archaic era. Two dates of 3700 BC are associated with communal architecture, but are likely to be anomalous. It is from 3200 BC onward that large-scale human settlement and communal construction are conspicuously credible.[two] Mann, in a survey of the literature in 2005, suggests "sometime before 3200 BC, and possibly before 3500 BC" as the beginning date of the Caral-Supe determinative period. He notes that the primeval date securely associated with a urban center is 3500 BC, at Huaricanga, in the Fortaleza expanse of the north, based on Haas's dates.[one]

Haas's early on-third-millennium dates suggest that the evolution of coastal and inland sites occurred in parallel. But, from 2500 to 2000 BC, during the period of greatest expansion, the population and evolution decisively shifted toward the inland sites. All development apparently occurred at large interior sites such equally Caral, although they remained dependent on fish and shellfish from the declension.[ii] The top in dates is in keeping with Shady's dates at Caral, which evidence abode from 2627 BC to 2020 BC.[eight] That coastal and inland sites developed in tandem remains disputed, however (come across side by side department).[ commendation needed ]

Influence [edit]

Past effectually 2200 BC, the influence of Norte Chico culture spread far along the coast. To the south, it went every bit far as the Chillon valley, and the site of El Paraiso. To the n, it spread as far equally the Santa River valley.[14]

Circa 1800 BC, the Caral-Supe civilization began to pass up, with more powerful centers appearing to the south and north along the coast, and to the due east inside the chugalug of the Andes. The success of irrigation-based agriculture at Caral-Supe may have contributed to its being eclipsed. Anthropologist Professor Winifred Creamer of Northern Illinois University notes that "when this civilization is in pass up, we brainstorm to find extensive canals farther due north. People were moving to more fertile basis and taking their knowledge of irrigation with them".[iii] It would be a thousand years earlier the ascent of the next keen Peruvian culture, the Chavín.[ citation needed ]

Geographical links [edit]

Cultural links with the highland areas have been noted past archaeologists.[ which? ] Ruth Shady highlights the links with the Kotosh Religious Tradition:[15]

Numerous architectural features establish amongst the settlements of Supe, including subterranean round courts, stepped pyramids and sequential platforms, every bit well as cloth remains and their cultural implications, excavated at Aspero and the valley sites we are digging (Caral, Chupacigarro, Lurihuasi, Miraya), are shared with other settlements of the area that participated in what is known as the Kotosh Religious Tradition. Virtually specific among these features include rooms with benches and hearths with subterranean ventilation ducts, wall niches, biconvex beads, and musical flutes.[16] [ excessive quote ]

Maritime coast and agronomical interior [edit]

Inquiry into Caral-Supe continues, with many unsettled questions. Fence is ongoing regarding ii related questions: the degree to which the flourishing of the Caral-Supe was based on maritime food resource, and the exact relationship this implies between the coastal and inland sites.[NB i]

Confirmed nutrition [edit]

A broad outline of the Caral-Supe diet has been suggested. At Caral, the edible domesticated plants noted by Shady are squash, beans, lúcuma, guava, pacay (Inga feuilleei), and sugariness spud.[8] Haas et al. noted the same foods in their survey further n, while adding avocado and achira. In 2013, good show for maize besides was documented by Haas et al. (come across below).[17]

There was besides a significant seafood component at both coastal and inland sites. Shady notes that "animate being remains are about exclusively marine" at Caral, including clams and mussels, and large amounts of anchovies and sardines.[8] That the anchovy fish reached inland is clear,[1] although Haas suggests that "shellfish [which would include clams and mussels], ocean mammals, and seaweed do non appear to have been significant portions of the diet in the inland, non-maritime sites".[12]

Theory of a maritime foundation for Andean civilization [edit]

The people from the Caral-Supe civilization used vertebrae of the blueish whale equally stools

The role of seafood in the Caral-Supe diet has aroused debate. Much early on fieldwork was conducted in the region of Aspero on the coast, before the full scope and inter-connectedness of the several sites of the civilization were realized. In a 1973 newspaper, Michael Due east. Moseley contended that a maritime subsistence (seafood) economy had been the ground of the society and its remarkably early flourishing,[6] a theory subsequently elaborated every bit a "maritime foundation of Andean civilization" (MFAC).[eighteen] [nineteen] He confirmed a previously observed lack of ceramics at Aspero, and he deduced that "hummocks" on the site constituted the remains of bogus platform mounds.[ citation needed ]

This thesis of a maritime foundation was contrary to the full general scholarly consensus that the ascension of civilization was based on intensive agriculture, peculiarly of at least one cereal. The production of agricultural surpluses had long been seen every bit essential in promoting population density and the emergence of complex club. Moseley's ideas would exist debated and challenged (that maritime remains and their caloric contribution were overestimated, for example),[20] but have been treated as plausible as late as 2005, when Isle of mann conducted a summary of the literature.[1]

Concomitant to the maritime subsistence hypothesis was an implied authority of sites immediately adjacent to the coast over other centers. This idea was shaken by the realization of the magnitude of Caral, an inland site. Supplemental to a 1997 article past Shady dating Caral, a 2001 Scientific discipline news commodity emphasized the say-so of agronomics and also suggested that Caral was the oldest urban center in Peru (and the unabridged Americas). Information technology rejected the thought that civilization might take begun adjacent to the coast and then moved inland. 1 archaeologist was quoted as suggesting that "rather than coastal antecedents to monumental inland sites, what we accept now are littoral satellite villages to awe-inspiring inland sites".[13]

These assertions were quickly challenged past Sandweiss and Moseley, who observed that Caral, although being the largest and about circuitous preceramic site, it is not the oldest. They admitted the importance of agriculture to industry and to augment nutrition, while broadly affirming "the formative role of marine resources in early Andean culture".[21] Scholars now agree that the inland sites did have significantly greater populations, and that in that location were "and then many more people forth the 4 rivers than on the shore that they had to have been dominant".[1]

The remaining question is which of the areas adult starting time and created a template for subsequent development.[22] Haas rejects suggestions that maritime development at sites immediately adjacent to the coast was initial, pointing to contemporaneous development based on his dating.[ii] Moseley remains convinced that littoral Aspero is the oldest site, and that its maritime subsistence served as a basis for the civilization.[1] [21]

Cotton and food sources [edit]

The apply of cotton wool (of the species Gossypium barbadense) played an important economic role in the human relationship between the inland and the coastal settlements in this area of Republic of peru. Withal, scholars are still divided over the exact chronology of these developments.[1] [12]

Although not edible, cotton wool was the nearly important product of irrigation in the Caral-Supe culture, vital to the production of fishing nets (that in turn provided maritime resources) as well as to textiles and material technology. Haas notes that "command over cotton allows a ruling elite to provide the do good of material for article of clothing, bags, wraps, and beautification".[12] He is willing to acknowledge to a mutual dependency dilemma: "The prehistoric residents of the Norte Chico needed the fish resources for their protein and the fishermen needed the cotton to brand the nets to catch the fish."[12] Thus, identifying cotton as a vital resources produced in the inland does not past itself resolve the upshot of whether the inland centers were a progenitor for those on the coast, or vice versa. Moseley argues that successful maritime centers would accept moved inland to find cotton wool.[1]

In a 2018 publication, David Yard. Beresford-Jones with coauthors accept defended Moseley's (1975) Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization (MFAC) hypothesis.[23]

The authors modified and refined the Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization hypothesis of Moseley. Thus, according to them, the MFAC hypothesis now "emerges more persuasive than e'er". It was the potential for increased quantities of food production that the cultivation of cotton allowed that was the key in precipitating revolutionary social change and social complexity, according to the authors. Previous to that, the gathering of bast fibers of wild Asclepias was used for cobweb production, which was far less efficient.[ citation needed ]

Beresford-Jones and others also offered farther support for their theories in 2021.[24]

History of research [edit]

It was French archaeologist fr:Frédéric Engel, originally, who coined the term "Cotton Preceramic Phase" in 1957 in society to describe the unusual coastal sites such Norte Chico that had cotton only lacked ceramics and were very ancient. This stage was seen every bit running for nigh 1200 years from 3000 to 1800 BC.[25] [26]

The development of Caral-Supe is particularly remarkable for the apparent absenteeism of an agricultural staple food. Withal, contempo studies increasingly dispute this and signal to maize every bit a dietary backbone of this and afterwards pre-Columbian civilizations.[27] Moseley institute a minor number of maize cobs in 1973 at Aspero (too seen in site work in the 1940s and 1950s)[half-dozen] but has since called the find "problematic".[21] However, increasing evidence has emerged almost the importance of maize in this period:

Archaeological testing at a number of sites in the Norte Chico region of the north primal coast provides a broad range of empirical information on the production, processing, and consumption of maize. New data drawn from coprolites, pollen records, and rock tool residues, combined with 126 radiocarbon dates, demonstrate that maize was widely grown, intensively processed, and constituted a main component of the diet throughout the period from 3000 to 1800 BC.[17]

For Beresford-Jones, his new enquiry on the two nearby ancient littoral settlements of La Yerba, on the east bank of Ica River, Peru (Río Ica) was very important. This is not far from the southern Peruvian town of Ica. The earlier of these settlement was La Yerba 2 (7571–6674 Cal BP, or ca 5570-4670 BC). When it was occupied, La Yerba II shell midden was situated rather shut to the ancient surf line. This was not a permanently occupied site.[23]

A somewhat after site, La Yerba III, on the other hand, was a permanently occupied settlement, and shows a population that was an order of magnitude greater than earlier. Obsidian debitage was abundant at La Yerba III, as opposed to before. This suggests an increasing interaction extending to the highlands where obsidian was procured.[23]

The population of La Yerba III already practiced some floodplain horticulture. They cultivated gourds, Phaseolus, and Canavalia beans, and plant fiber production was of great importance for their fishing economic system. Therefore, they were "pre-adapted to a Cotton fiber Revolution".[23]

[edit]

Base of Caral-Supe pyramids

Government [edit]

Remains of the two primary Caral pyramids in the arid Supe Valley

Altar of the Holy Burn, on top of the Templo Mayor

The degree of centralized potency is difficult to ascertain, but architectural construction patterns are indicative, at least in sure places at certain times, of an elite population who wielded considerable ability: while some of the monumental architecture was synthetic incrementally, other buildings, such equally the two principal platform mounds at Caral,[8] announced to have been constructed in one or 2 intense construction phases.[12] Equally further evidence of centralized control, Haas points to remains of large stone warehouses found at Upaca, on the Pativilca, as emblematic of authorities able to control vital resource such as cotton fiber.[one]

Haas suggests that the labour mobilization patterns revealed by the archaeological show, betoken to a unique emergence of man authorities, 1 of two alongside Sumer (or three, if Mesoamerica is included as a separate case). While in other cases, the idea of authorities would have been borrowed or copied, in this modest group, government was invented. Other archaeologists take rejected such claims as hyperbolic.[i]

In exploring the basis of possible government, Haas suggests 3 broad bases of power for early complex societies:[ citation needed ]

  • economic,
  • ideology, and
  • physical.

He finds the first two nowadays in ancient Caral-Supe.[ citation needed ]

Economic [edit]

Economic authority would take rested on the command of cotton, edible plants, and associated trade relationships, with power centered on the inland sites. Haas tentatively suggests that the scope of this economic ability base may take extended widely: in that location are only two confirmed shore sites in the Caral-Supe (Aspero and Bandurria) and possibly two more, just cotton line-fishing nets and domesticated plants take been found up and down the Peruvian coast. It is possible that the major inland centers of Caral-Supe, were at the centre of a broad regional merchandise network centered on these resource.[12]

Citing Shady, a 2005 article in Discover magazine suggests a rich and varied trade life: "[Caral] exported its own products and those of Aspero to distant communities in exchange for exotic imports: Spondylus shells from the coast of Republic of ecuador, rich dyes from the Andean highlands, hallucinogenic snuff from the Amazon."[28] (Given the still express extent of Caral-Supe research, such claims should be treated circumspectly.) Other reports on Shady'south piece of work indicate Caral traded with communities in the jungle farther inland and, mayhap, with people from the mountains.[29]

Credo [edit]

Haas postulates that ideological power exercised past leadership was based on credible access to deities and the supernatural.[12] Evidence regarding Caral-Supe religion is limited: in 2003, an image of the Staff God, a leering figure with a hood and fangs, was plant on a gourd that dated to 2250 BC. The Staff God is a major deity of later Andean cultures, and Winifred Creamer suggests the find points to worship of common symbols of deities.[xxx] [31] Equally with much other research at Caral-Supe, the nature and significance of the find has been disputed by other researchers.[NB 2]

Mann postulates that the act of architectural structure and maintenance at Caral-Supe may take been a spiritual or religious experience: a process of communal exaltation and ceremony.[22] Shady has called Caral "the sacred city" (la ciudad sagrada)[7] and reports that socio-economic and political focus was on the temples, which were periodically remodeled, with major burnt offerings associated with the remodeling.[32]

Physical [edit]

Haas notes the absence of any suggestion of physical bases of ability, that is, defensive construction, at Caral-Supe. There is no show of warfare "of any kind or at any level during the Preceramic Menstruum".[12] Mutilated bodies, burned buildings, and other tell-tale signs of violence are absent and settlement patterns are completely not-defensive.[22] The evidence of the development of circuitous government in the absence of warfare contrasts markedly to archaeological theory, which suggests that human beings move away from kin-based groups to larger units resembling "states" for mutual defence of oft scarce resources. In Caral-Supe, a vital resource was present: arable land generally, and the cotton ingather specifically, but Isle of man noted that patently, the move to greater complication past the culture was not driven by the need for defence force or warfare.[22]

Sites and compages [edit]

Terraced structure of pyramid at Caral, with stone fill

Shicra purse with stones at Caral

Caral-Supe sites are known for their density of big sites with immense architecture.[33] Haas argues that the density of sites in such a modest area is globally unique for a nascent culture. During the third millennium BC, Caral-Supe may accept been the most densely populated area of the world (excepting, possibly, Northern China).[12] The Supe, Pativilca, Fortaleza, and Huaura River valleys of Caral-Supe each take several related sites.[ citation needed ]

Evidence from the footing-breaking work during 1973 at Aspero, at the mouth of the Supe Valley, suggested a site of approximately thirteen hectares (32 acres). Surveying of the midden suggested extensive prehistoric construction activity. Small-calibration terracing was noted, along with more than sophisticated platform mound masonry. Equally many as 11 artificial mounds were estimated to exist at the site. Moseley calls these "Corporate Labor Platforms", given that their size, layout, and construction materials and techniques would have required an organized workforce.[6]

The survey of the northern rivers found sites between x and 100 ha (25 and 247 acres); between 1 and seven big platform mounds—rectangular, terraced pyramids—were discovered, ranging in size from iii,000 thouiii (110,000 cu ft) to more than 100,000 m3 (3,500,000 cu ft).[2] Shady notes that the central zone of Caral, with monumental architecture, covers an surface area of just greater than 65 hectares (160 acres). Also, 6 platform mounds, numerous smaller mounds, two sunken round plazas, and a variety of residential architecture were discovered at this site.[8]

The monumental architecture was synthetic with quarried rock and river cobbles. Using reed "shicra-numberless", some of which have been preserved,[34] laborers would have hauled the material to sites by hand. Roger Atwood of Archaeology mag describes the procedure:

Armies of workers would gather a long, durable grass known every bit shicra in the highlands above the urban center, tie the grass strands into loosely meshed bags, fill up the numberless with boulders, and and then pack the trenches behind each successive retaining wall of the step pyramids with the stone-filled bags.[35]

In this fashion, the people of Norte Chico accomplished formidable architectural success. The largest of the platforms mounds at Caral, the Piramide Mayor, measures 160 by 150 1000 (520 by 490 ft) and rises 18 k (59 ft) loftier.[8] In its summation of the 2001 Shady newspaper, the BBC suggests workers would take been "paid or compelled" to work on centralized projects of this sort, with dried anchovies possibly serving every bit a class of currency.[36] Mann points to "ideology, charisma, and skilfully timed reinforcement" from leaders.[1]

Evolution and absent technologies [edit]

The presence of quipu tentatively suggests a "proto-writing" organization in ancient Caral-Supe

When compared to the common Eurasian models of the evolution of civilisation, Caral-Supe's differences are hitting. In Caral-Supe, a total lack of ceramics persists beyond the period. Crops were cooked past roasting.[36] The lack of pottery was accompanied by a lack of archaeologically apparent fine art. In conversation with Mann, Alvaro Ruiz observes: "In the Norte Chico nosotros see nigh no visual arts. No sculpture, no carving or bas-relief, well-nigh no painting or drawing—the interiors are completely bare. What we do run into are these huge mounds—and textiles."[i]

While the absenteeism of ceramics appears anomalous, Mann notes that the presence of textiles is intriguing. Quipu (or khipu), string-based recording devices, have been found at Caral, suggesting a writing, or proto-writing, organization at Caral-Supe.[37] (The discovery was reported by Mann in Scientific discipline in 2005, but has not been formally published or described by Shady.) The exact employ of quipu in this and later Andean cultures has been widely debated. Originally, it was believed to be a unproblematic mnemonic technique used to record numeric information, such as a count of items bought and sold. Show has emerged, nevertheless, that the quipu also may have recorded logographic data in the same way writing does. Research has focused on the much larger sample of a few hundred quipu dating to Inca times. The Caral-Supe discovery remains singular and undeciphered.[38]

Other finds at Caral-Supe take proved suggestive. While visual arts appear absent, the people may take played instrumental music: xxx-two flutes, crafted from pelican bone, take been discovered.[1] [28]

The oldest known depiction of the Staff God was establish in 2003 on some broken gourd fragments in a burial site in the Pativilca River valley and the gourd was carbon dated to 2250 BCE.[39] While still fragmentary, such archaeological bear witness corresponds to the patterns of later Andean culture and may indicate that Caral-Supe served every bit a template. Along with the specific finds, Mann highlights

"the primacy of substitution over a wide area, the penchant for collective, festive civic work projects, [and] the high valuation of textiles and material technology" within Norte Chico as patterns that would recur later in the Peruvian cradle of civilization."[1]

Bookish disputes [edit]

Ruth Shady, Peruvian archaeologist, in Caral, 2014

The magnitude of the Caral-Supe discovery has generated academic controversy amidst researchers. The "monumental feud", as described past Archæology, has included "public insults, a accuse of plagiarism, ethics inquiries in both Peru and the U.s., and complaints past Peruvian officials to the U.Due south. authorities".[35] The pb author of the seminal paper of Apr 2001 [8] was a Peruvian, Ruth Shady, with co-authors Jonathan Haas and Winifred Creamer, a married U.s.a. squad; the coauthoring was reportedly suggested past Haas, in the hopes that the interest of United States researchers would assistance secure funds for carbon dating equally well as future research funding. Later, Shady charged the couple with plagiarism and insufficient attribution, suggesting the pair had received credit for her inquiry, which had begun in 1994.[28] [40]

At issue is credit for the discovery of the civilization, naming it, and developing the theoretical models to explain it. In 1997, Shady described a civilisation located on the Supe River, with Caral at its eye, although she suggested a larger geographic base for the society.[41]

In 2004, Haas et al. wrote that "Our recent work in the neighboring Pativilca and Fortaleza has revealed that Caral and Aspero were but two of a much larger number of major Late Archaic sites in the Norte Chico", while noting Shady only in footnotes.[two] Attribution of this type is what has angered Shady and her supporters. Shady's position has been hampered by a lack of funding for archaeological research in her native Peru, as well equally the media advantages of North American researchers in disputes of this blazon.[29] In regard to the development of the theoretical models to explain the rise of Norte Chico, the dispute may have also involved the differing views of scholars in regard to the maritime-based subsistence models versus the agronomical-based subsistence. Did the cotton wool play a bigger role, or the fishing in the increasing cultural composure of these inhabitants? Archaeologist Michael East. Moseley, an ally of Shady, has long advocated that it was the latter.[ citation needed ]

Haas and Creamer were cleared of the plagiarism charge by their institutions. The scientific discipline informational council of the Chicago Field Museum of Natural History rebuked Haas for press releases and web pages that gave too little credit to Shady and inflated the American couple's role as discoverers.[28]

See also [edit]

  • Andean preceramic
  • Iperú, Peru tourist information
  • List of Norte Chico archaeological sites
  • Supe Puerto

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ "Interior" and "inland" practise not refer here to the mountainous interior of Peru proper. All of the Norte Chico sites are broadly littoral, within 100 km (62 mi) of the coast and inside the Peruvian littoral (Caral is 23 km [14 mi] inland). "Interior" and "inland" are used here to contrast with sites that are literally adjacent to the bounding main.[ citation needed ]
  2. ^ Krysztof Makowski, every bit reported by Mann (1491), suggests there is trivial testify that the peoples of Andean civilizations worshipped an overarching deity. The figure may accept been carved past a later civilization onto an ancient gourd, as it was plant in strata dating between 900 and 1300 AD.[ citation needed ]

References [edit]

  1. ^ a b c d e f chiliad h i j k 50 m n o Mann, Charles C. (2006) [2005]. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Earlier Columbus. Vintage Books. pp. 199–212. ISBN1-4000-3205-9.
  2. ^ a b c d eastward f g Haas, Jonathan; Winifred Creamer; Alvaro Ruiz (23 December 2004). "Dating the Late Primitive occupation of the Norte Chico region in Peru". Nature. 432 (7020): 1020–1023. Bibcode:2004Natur.432.1020H. doi:10.1038/nature03146. PMID 15616561. S2CID 4426545.
  3. ^ a b c "Archaeologists shed new light on Americas' primeval known culture" (Printing release). Northern Illinois University. 2004-12-22. Archived from the original on Feb 9, 2007. Retrieved 2007-02-01 .
  4. ^ "detailed map of Norte Chico sites".
  5. ^ "Sacred City of Caral-Supe". UNESCO. Retrieved 2011-06-09 .
  6. ^ a b c d Moseley, Michael East.; Gordon R. Willey (1973). "Aspero, Peru: A Reexamination of the Site and Its Implications". American Antiquity. Society for American Archaeology. 38 (iv): 452–468. doi:10.2307/279151. JSTOR 279151. S2CID 163284313. "We see the site as a 'peaking' of an substantially not-agricultural economy. Subsistence was notwithstanding, basically, from the sea. But such subsistence supported a sedentary style of life, with communities of observable size."
  7. ^ a b Shady Solís, Ruth Martha (1997). La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe en los albores de la civilización en el Perú (in Spanish). Lima: UNMSM, Fondo Editorial. Retrieved 2007-03-03 .
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Shady Solis, Ruth; Jonathan Haas; Winifred Creamer (27 April 2001). "Dating Caral, a Preceramic Site in the Supe Valley on the Key Coast of Republic of peru". Science. 292 (5517): 723–726. Bibcode:2001Sci...292..723S. doi:x.1126/science.1059519. PMID 11326098. S2CID 10172918.
  9. ^ Meet CNN, for instance. Given the tentative nature of much inquiry surrounding Norte Chico, readers should exist cautious of claims in general news sources.
  10. ^ "History of Peru". HISTORYWORLD . Retrieved 2007-01-31 .
  11. ^ Roberts, J.Grand. (2004). The New Penguin History of the Earth (Fourth ed.). London: Penguin Books. pp. 153. ISBN9780141007236. [The Americas] are millennia behind the evolution of civilisation elsewhere, whatever the crusade of that may be. "The unsaid laggardness appears disproven by Norte Chico; in his work, Mann is sharply disquisitional of the inattention provided the Pre-Columbian Americas."
  12. ^ a b c d eastward f k h i j Haas, Jonathan; Winifred Creamer; Alvaro Ruiz (2005). "Power and the Emergence of Circuitous Polities in the Peruvian Preceramic". Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association. 14 (1): 37–52. doi:10.1525/ap3a.2004.14.037.
  13. ^ a b Pringle, Heather (2001-04-27). "The Offset Urban center in the Americas". Scientific discipline. 292 (5517): 621. doi:10.1126/science.292.5517.621. PMID 11330310. S2CID 130819896. "The claim in this Science 'News of the Calendar week' column that Caral is the oldest urban center in the Americas is highly uncertain."
  14. ^ Rongxing Guo (2017), Behaviors of Nations. Dynamic Developments and the Origins of Civilizations. ISBN 9783319487724. Springer International Publishing. p. 49
  15. ^ Ruth Shady Solis (2006), America'south First City? The Case of Late Archaic Caral
  16. ^ Ruth Shady Solis (2006), America's First City? The Case of Late Archaic Caral
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  41. ^ From summary three, Shady (1997): El número de centros urbanos (17), identificado en el valle de Supe, y su magnitud, requirieron de una gran cantidad de mano de obra y de los excedentes, para su edificación, mantenimiento, remodelación y enterramiento. Si consideramos exclusivamente la capacidad productiva de este pequeño valle, esa inversión no habría podido ser realizada sin la participación de las comunidades de los valles vecinos. The number of urban centers (17) identified in the Supe Valley, and their magnitude, requires a great quantity of surplus labor for their construction, maintenance, remodeling and burying. If we consider exclusively the productive capacity of this pocket-size valley, this investment could non have been realized without the participation of the communities of neighboring valleys.

Further reading [edit]

  • Sandweiss, D. H.; Shady Solís, R.; Moseley, M. Eastward.; Keeferd, D. K.; Ortloff, C. R. (2009). "Environmental change and economical development in littoral Republic of peru between 5,800 and 3,600 years ago". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences United states. 106 (5): 1359–1363. Bibcode:2009PNAS..106.1359S. doi:10.1073/pnas.0812645106. PMC2635784. PMID 19164564.
  • Shady, Ruth; Kleihege, Cristopher, eds. (2008). Caral: la primera civilización de América = the commencement civilization in the Americas. Lima: Universidad de San Martín de Porres. ISBN978-9972-33-792-v.
  • Shady Solís, Ruth (2005). Caral Supe, Perú: the Caral-Supe culture: five,000 years of cultural identity in Peru. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura. ISBN9972-9738-four-0.

External links [edit]

  • Caral-Supe at Google Maps
  • Northern Illinois Academy printing kit photos
  • Printing kit photos and video of Caral

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caral-Supe_civilization

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